Bruce Calvert
2008-06-09 13:25:22 UTC
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/06/08/movies/08hobe.html?_r=1&ref=movies&oref=slogin
When Chaplin Became the Enemy
Everett Collection
Charlie Chaplin and Mady Correll in the 1947 film "Monsieur Verdoux," which
has a weeklong run at Film Forum.
By J. HOBERMAN
Published: June 8, 2008
ONE spell was broken and another cast: the world's most beloved clown became
his adopted land's most reviled figure. As the cold war coalesced in 1947,
Charlie Chaplin's Little Tramp mutated into the monstrous Monsieur Verdoux,
a professional bigamist and serial killer supporting his family by marrying
and dispatching a succession of wealthy widows.
"Monsieur Verdoux," opening Friday for a weeklong run at Film Forum, is
subtitled "A Comedy of Murders," and, as the French critic André Bazin
observed, it turns the Chaplin universe upside down. The erstwhile tramp is
here an honest bank clerk driven to homicide by the 1929 stock market crash.
Condemned to death at the movie's end, he declares his crimes paltry
compared with those of Western civilization: "As a mass killer, I'm an
amateur by comparison."
Chaplin considered this, his first post-World War II movie, a topical one.
As he had satirized Adolf Hitler in "The Great Dictator" (1940), he would
now comment on the carnage Hitler provoked and the mass destruction he
feared would follow. "Von Clausewitz said that war is the logical extension
of diplomacy," Chaplin told an interviewer. "Verdoux feels that murder is
the logical extension of business." But "Monsieur Verdoux" was also the
logical result of Chaplin's feelings of victimhood, as a celebrity and a
man.
Although enormously popular, "The Great Dictator" had not been without
controversy; it was denounced as interventionist propaganda on the Senate
floor. The stormier reception for "Monsieur Verdoux" reflected both the film's
content and the filmmaker's character.
Throughout the war Chaplin was under attack for his morals - in the form of
a sensational paternity suit - and political sympathies. For some the two
were identical. Representative John E. Rankin, a Mississippi Democrat,
denounced Chaplin as a Communist "notorious for his forcible seduction of
white girls." Even before "Monsieur Verdoux" opened in April 1947 the
Hollywood columnist Hedda Hopper wrote to J. Edgar Hoover, the F.B.I.
director, begging him for an opportunity to attack the star: "You give me
the material and I'll blast."
Hoover, who demurred, did have a hefty file on Chaplin, including a recent
report associating him with the radical émigrés Hanns Eisler and Bertolt
Brecht. But "Monsieur Verdoux" - which was surely influenced by Brecht's
notions of social satire - brought its own disaster.
To introduce the film, his first movie in seven years, Chaplin insisted on a
series of news conferences. Before the premiere he entertained friendly
questions from foreign journalists. The screening itself, at the refitted
Broadway Theater in Manhattan, was less cordial. Taken aback by audience
hissing, Chaplin fled the scene.
At a subsequent meeting with reporters in the Gotham Hotel's packed Grand
Ballroom he encountered even greater animosity. Half the questions concerned
his politics or national loyalty. He was accused of being a Communist
sympathizer and questioned about his friendship with Eisler, then the prime
target of the House Un-American Activities Committee's evolving
investigation into Communism in Hollywood.
The next day "Monsieur Verdoux" received the worst notices of Chaplin's
career, attacked as unfunny, tasteless, poorly made, morally dubious and,
per The New York Herald-Tribune, an "affront to the intelligence." But the
reviews were not uniformly hostile. Characterizing the movie as "basically
serious and bitter," Bosley Crowther of The New York Times warned that
"those who go expecting to laugh at it may find themselves remaining to
weep." For some, the film became a cause - James Agee wrote a three-part
defense in The Nation - although it wasn't much help that the most
unambiguously positive review ran in The Daily Worker ("a brilliant comedy
whose deep message will stir the hearts and minds of liberty-loving peoples
all over the world").
"Monsieur Verdoux" lasted less than a month at the Broadway and, soon after
the Independent Theater Owners of Ohio called for a national ban, United
Artists withdrew the movie from release. By mid-June Representative Rankin
was demanding Chaplin's deportation; expecting to be brought before the
House Un-American Activities Committee, Chaplin linked his movie to the
impending investigation. He sent an open telegram to the committee's
chairman, suggesting that he simply view the movie. "It is against war and
futile slaughter," he wrote. "I am not a Communist. I am a peacemonger."
Few films have been as polarizing. The day after Catholic War Veterans urged
a federal investigation into Chaplin's political activities, the National
Board of Review voted "Monsieur Verdoux" best picture of 1947.
For all its intellectual defenders, however, "Monsieur Verdoux" grossed a
pitiful $162,000 at the box office. Thus humiliated, Chaplin refused to
allow the movie to be revived. By the time it reappeared at the Plaza
Theater in July 1964, with Chaplin long since relocated to Switzerland, it
was a film-buff legend, greeted with anticipatory excitement and capacity
crowds.
Rereleased within months of the apocalyptic farce "Dr. Strangelove" and with
Senator Barry Goldwater the presumptive Republican presidential candidate,
Chaplin's dark comedy struck a responsive chord. The Village Voice critic
Andrew Sarris linked this contemporary acceptance to the popularization of
sick humor: "If 1947 audiences were too reluctant to laugh at the cruelty in
'Monsieur Verdoux,' today's crowds may be too eager."
While never enjoying the canonical status of "The Gold Rush" or "City
Lights," "Monsieur Verdoux" did rise in critical esteem over the course of a
long and unpopular war. The movie's fortunes have since faded, but, learning
that its American rights had lapsed, a Brooklyn film programmer, Jacob
Perlin, managed to relicense them. Mr. Perlin, 32, said he was struck by the
film's prescience, citing the government's "murderous public policy" and the
profits generated by corporations like Halliburton and Blackstone.
"Monsieur Verdoux" may once again be timely, but the audacity of its
statement derives less from Chaplin's antiwar polemic than from his
antiheroic pose. No star ever took a greater risk with his public image or
more directly challenged his audience. If Chaplin ridiculed Hitler by
transforming him into the Little Tramp, he did something far more disturbing
in socializing the Little Tramp. "By his very existence," Bazin noted,
Verdoux "renders society guilty." Approaching eternity, the convicted killer
subtly reverts to the Tramp's distinctive gait. Has humanity sunk to this?
In the movie's ultimate gag it becomes apparent that, as Bazin wrote, "They're
going to guillotine Charlie!"
J. Hoberman is senior film critic for The Village Voice.
When Chaplin Became the Enemy
Everett Collection
Charlie Chaplin and Mady Correll in the 1947 film "Monsieur Verdoux," which
has a weeklong run at Film Forum.
By J. HOBERMAN
Published: June 8, 2008
ONE spell was broken and another cast: the world's most beloved clown became
his adopted land's most reviled figure. As the cold war coalesced in 1947,
Charlie Chaplin's Little Tramp mutated into the monstrous Monsieur Verdoux,
a professional bigamist and serial killer supporting his family by marrying
and dispatching a succession of wealthy widows.
"Monsieur Verdoux," opening Friday for a weeklong run at Film Forum, is
subtitled "A Comedy of Murders," and, as the French critic André Bazin
observed, it turns the Chaplin universe upside down. The erstwhile tramp is
here an honest bank clerk driven to homicide by the 1929 stock market crash.
Condemned to death at the movie's end, he declares his crimes paltry
compared with those of Western civilization: "As a mass killer, I'm an
amateur by comparison."
Chaplin considered this, his first post-World War II movie, a topical one.
As he had satirized Adolf Hitler in "The Great Dictator" (1940), he would
now comment on the carnage Hitler provoked and the mass destruction he
feared would follow. "Von Clausewitz said that war is the logical extension
of diplomacy," Chaplin told an interviewer. "Verdoux feels that murder is
the logical extension of business." But "Monsieur Verdoux" was also the
logical result of Chaplin's feelings of victimhood, as a celebrity and a
man.
Although enormously popular, "The Great Dictator" had not been without
controversy; it was denounced as interventionist propaganda on the Senate
floor. The stormier reception for "Monsieur Verdoux" reflected both the film's
content and the filmmaker's character.
Throughout the war Chaplin was under attack for his morals - in the form of
a sensational paternity suit - and political sympathies. For some the two
were identical. Representative John E. Rankin, a Mississippi Democrat,
denounced Chaplin as a Communist "notorious for his forcible seduction of
white girls." Even before "Monsieur Verdoux" opened in April 1947 the
Hollywood columnist Hedda Hopper wrote to J. Edgar Hoover, the F.B.I.
director, begging him for an opportunity to attack the star: "You give me
the material and I'll blast."
Hoover, who demurred, did have a hefty file on Chaplin, including a recent
report associating him with the radical émigrés Hanns Eisler and Bertolt
Brecht. But "Monsieur Verdoux" - which was surely influenced by Brecht's
notions of social satire - brought its own disaster.
To introduce the film, his first movie in seven years, Chaplin insisted on a
series of news conferences. Before the premiere he entertained friendly
questions from foreign journalists. The screening itself, at the refitted
Broadway Theater in Manhattan, was less cordial. Taken aback by audience
hissing, Chaplin fled the scene.
At a subsequent meeting with reporters in the Gotham Hotel's packed Grand
Ballroom he encountered even greater animosity. Half the questions concerned
his politics or national loyalty. He was accused of being a Communist
sympathizer and questioned about his friendship with Eisler, then the prime
target of the House Un-American Activities Committee's evolving
investigation into Communism in Hollywood.
The next day "Monsieur Verdoux" received the worst notices of Chaplin's
career, attacked as unfunny, tasteless, poorly made, morally dubious and,
per The New York Herald-Tribune, an "affront to the intelligence." But the
reviews were not uniformly hostile. Characterizing the movie as "basically
serious and bitter," Bosley Crowther of The New York Times warned that
"those who go expecting to laugh at it may find themselves remaining to
weep." For some, the film became a cause - James Agee wrote a three-part
defense in The Nation - although it wasn't much help that the most
unambiguously positive review ran in The Daily Worker ("a brilliant comedy
whose deep message will stir the hearts and minds of liberty-loving peoples
all over the world").
"Monsieur Verdoux" lasted less than a month at the Broadway and, soon after
the Independent Theater Owners of Ohio called for a national ban, United
Artists withdrew the movie from release. By mid-June Representative Rankin
was demanding Chaplin's deportation; expecting to be brought before the
House Un-American Activities Committee, Chaplin linked his movie to the
impending investigation. He sent an open telegram to the committee's
chairman, suggesting that he simply view the movie. "It is against war and
futile slaughter," he wrote. "I am not a Communist. I am a peacemonger."
Few films have been as polarizing. The day after Catholic War Veterans urged
a federal investigation into Chaplin's political activities, the National
Board of Review voted "Monsieur Verdoux" best picture of 1947.
For all its intellectual defenders, however, "Monsieur Verdoux" grossed a
pitiful $162,000 at the box office. Thus humiliated, Chaplin refused to
allow the movie to be revived. By the time it reappeared at the Plaza
Theater in July 1964, with Chaplin long since relocated to Switzerland, it
was a film-buff legend, greeted with anticipatory excitement and capacity
crowds.
Rereleased within months of the apocalyptic farce "Dr. Strangelove" and with
Senator Barry Goldwater the presumptive Republican presidential candidate,
Chaplin's dark comedy struck a responsive chord. The Village Voice critic
Andrew Sarris linked this contemporary acceptance to the popularization of
sick humor: "If 1947 audiences were too reluctant to laugh at the cruelty in
'Monsieur Verdoux,' today's crowds may be too eager."
While never enjoying the canonical status of "The Gold Rush" or "City
Lights," "Monsieur Verdoux" did rise in critical esteem over the course of a
long and unpopular war. The movie's fortunes have since faded, but, learning
that its American rights had lapsed, a Brooklyn film programmer, Jacob
Perlin, managed to relicense them. Mr. Perlin, 32, said he was struck by the
film's prescience, citing the government's "murderous public policy" and the
profits generated by corporations like Halliburton and Blackstone.
"Monsieur Verdoux" may once again be timely, but the audacity of its
statement derives less from Chaplin's antiwar polemic than from his
antiheroic pose. No star ever took a greater risk with his public image or
more directly challenged his audience. If Chaplin ridiculed Hitler by
transforming him into the Little Tramp, he did something far more disturbing
in socializing the Little Tramp. "By his very existence," Bazin noted,
Verdoux "renders society guilty." Approaching eternity, the convicted killer
subtly reverts to the Tramp's distinctive gait. Has humanity sunk to this?
In the movie's ultimate gag it becomes apparent that, as Bazin wrote, "They're
going to guillotine Charlie!"
J. Hoberman is senior film critic for The Village Voice.
--
Bruce Calvert
--
Visit the Silent Film Still Archive
http://www.silentfilmstillarchive.com
Bruce Calvert
--
Visit the Silent Film Still Archive
http://www.silentfilmstillarchive.com